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Home » Featured » Namibia badly needs refurbishment after 32 years under the ruling party

Namibia badly needs refurbishment after 32 years under the ruling party

March 19, 2022
in Featured, Special Report
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Namibia President Hage Geingob

Namibia President Hage Geingob

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By Henning Melber

Namibia has been a presidential democracy since independence from South Africa in 1990. Much executive power is vested in the head of state, who is elected directly every five years in parallel to the National Assembly.

The South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) has held an absolute parliamentary majority since 1990. Hage Geingob was elected president of Namibia in 2014, following Sam Nujoma (1990-2005) and Hifikepunye Pohamba (2005-2015).

Geingob was elected president in November 2014 with a record 87% of votes. South West Africa People’s Organisation’s election manifesto declared “consolidating peace, stability, prosperity” as its track record. The party scored a record 80%.

With such election results, Geingob entering his first term in office on Independence Day 2015, was considered a success story. But elections five years later showed signs of erosion. In November 2019 Geingob was reelected with an all-time low of 56% of votes for the presidency. South West Africa People’s Organisation support dropped to 65%.

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The two-third majority the party held since 1994 was gone. The fairy tale ended in harsh realities. Geingob’s track record is another example in the textbook on populism, that words alone are not enough. Even executive presidents with a huge majority in parliament and support by the electorate need to deliver.

On this score, Geingob has failed.

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Namibia under Geingob’s stewardship A prominent slogan during the anti-colonial struggle was SWAPO is the nation, and the nation is SWAPO. The mantra survived for a quarter of a century into independence. But with the growing number of younger voters born after independence, the struggle narrative became increasingly anachronistic. The allure for having “liberated” the country did not any longer trigger the same identification with the former liberation movement.

Geingob shifted South West Africa People’s Organisation’s centrism in the nation building discourse from “liberator” to “unifier”. As he explained in his Inaugural Address in 2015:

No Namibian must feel left out … All of us must play our part in the success of this beautiful house we call Namibia.

He expanded on his “Namibian house” metaphor in 2017:

Nation building is similar to building a house … in which no Namibian will be left out.

His emphasis on inclusivity was reiterated by the Harambee Prosperity Plan he presented as his governance blueprint for 2015/16 to 2019/20. He explained in his foreword that the Kiswahili word “harambee” (“pull together in the same direction”),

has been deliberately selected to call for unity and encourage Namibians to work towards a common purpose.

In his Christmas Message in 2015 Geingob stressed: “those of us blessed with abundance should be willing to share in order to ensure that we provide the building blocks for a fairer and equitable house, a house in which all of us can pursue our dreams and prosper as equals.”

The Harambee Prosperity Plan promised a more transparent Namibia, a culture of high performance and citizen-centred service delivery, and a significant reduction – if not elimination – of poverty. The ambitious agenda was based on an anticipated annual economic growth rate of 7%.

Economic prospects, however, signalled tough times. A sluggish global market caused a slump in demand and prices for the country’s mineral resources. Economic crises in neighbouring Angola and South Africa weakened the local economy. One of the worst droughts in Namibia’s recorded history in 2015/16 should have caused alarm that the “fat years” were over.

Economic woes

In 2016 the country entered an economic downward spiral, exacerbated by the devastating impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. By 2021 total debt had increased to 70.4% of GDP. Back in 2016 the Harambee Prosperity Plan had reconfirmed the official commitment that state debt should not exceed 30% of GDP.

Economic growth rates were 0% for 2016, -1.0% for 2017, 1.1% for 2018, -0.6% for 2019 and -8% for 2020. The average per capita income plummeted by 2021 to 2013 levels. Namibia was diagnosed as an “economy on life support”.

In the 2020 Human Development Report Namibia ranked 130 out of 189 countries. Adjusted by inequality its rank declined to 144. As a 2022 World Bank report confirmed, the country is the second most unequal in the world, after South Africa.

More than 43% of Namibians suffered multidimensional poverty, measuring various deprivations of poor people in their daily lives. In 2021 the World Bank declared two thirds of the 2.4 million Namibians as poor.

The second Harambee Prosperity Plan, for 2021 to 2025 declares economic recovery as its goal. Geingob has urged, “now it is time to hold hands and build an economy that is inclusive and where growth is shared. But the national 2022/23 budget shows that there is no growth to be shared.

N$9.2 billion (US$608 million) was put aside for debt services (interest payments only) – the second highest budget allocation, equivalent to 15.4% of the projected revenue income. The total debt ballooned to N$140 billion (US$9.25 billion), and the fiscal liquidity was further restricted. Namibia was “swimming in debt”.

According to a 2022 Harvard University Growth Diagnostic for Namibia out of 17 Namibians in the labour force only one is formally employed in the private sector. Bringing about sustained, inclusive growth amid fiscal consolidation remains a huge challenge.

Scandals

In November 2019, the country was rocked by its biggest government corruption scandal, called #Fishrot. It disclosed bribery for fishing quotas awarded to an Icelandic company. Two government ministers and several highest-ranking state officials were implicated. Evidence suggests that more culprits benefited inside SWAPO and “Team Hage”.

Another potential scandal, pertaining to the construction of a bulk fuel storage at the Walvis Bay harbour has been been swept under the carpet. But as just disclosed, a controversial diamond valuating deal enriched three beneficiaries by over 100 million N$.

In need of rehabilitation

Already an August 2019 survey by Afrobarometer, the independent pan-African survey network, indicated growing frustration among Namibians: 80.6% of the 1,200 respondents thought the country was going in the wrong direction, 72.6% described the economic conditions as bad, 58.2% believed the economic conditions were worse than a year before, while 47.3% expected them to become even worse. Trust in the country’s president decreased from 81% in 2014 to 60% in 2019.

On Geingob’s watch, the South West Africa People’s Organisation’s downward spiral continues, with a sharp decline in support for the former liberation movement in the regional and local authorities elections in November 2020. The South West Africa People’s Organisation lost its dominance in many regions and almost all towns. The capital Windhoek is governed by opposition parties.

Summarising trends, the Bertelsmann Transformation Index for 2022 classified the country as a “defective democracy”, with limited economic transformation and a moderate governance index. It concluded: “the Namibian government faces the mammoth task of regaining the trust and confidence of the public. This year’s annual budget provides funds for rehabilitating Windhoek’s Independence Stadium. Thirty-two years into independence, it’s not only the stadium, in which Namibia’s flag was hoisted for the first time, that requires significant refurbishment.

 

#Henning Melber is an Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria

Tags: Namibia
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Print  Since October 2017, Cameroon has been engulfed by a deadly conflict. The conflict is rooted in the colonisation of Cameroon by both the French and British governments – and the two languages that came with it, French and English.  Today, the conflict is between Cameroon’s military and separatist forces from the two anglophone North-West and South-West regions.  Between 1919 and 1961, these two regions were under British colonial administration and were known as British Southern Cameroons. Following a UN plebiscite, or vote, on 11 February 1961, inhabitants voted to “reunite” with French Cameroun on 1 October 1961.  But all didn’t go well after the unification of the two regions. The two English-speaking regions, which make up about 20% of the population, have repeatedly complained of discrimination and exclusion. A year-long protest in Cameroon’s anglophone regions in 2016 descended into a civil war in 2017.
Get news that’s free, independent and based on evidence.  Almost five years later, the conflict continues to rage on. By recent estimates, the conflict has already led to the death of over 4,000 civilians and more than 712,000 internally displaced persons from the Anglophone regions. More than 1.3 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance.  President Paul Biya, Cameroon’s leader since 1982, is fixated on pursuing a failed path of war against the separatist groups, whom he calls “terrorists”.  Sadly, there is no clear and credible agenda for negotiations as yet – which makes peace and reconciliation elusive. What is clear is that anglophone grievances run deep and have remained unaddressed for a long time.  As a political anthropologist who has studied the situation of Cameroonian anglophones at length, I see the way that elite and marginalised groups are defined by language as a driver of this conflict.
Anglophone grievances  The immediate origins of the crisis can be traced to the government’s violent repression of protests by lawyer and teacher unions in 2016.  In October 2016, anglophone teachers’ and lawyers’ unions launched peaceful protests against the “neglect” and “marginalisation” of the two English-speaking regions. Large groups of people took part in the year-long protests. They focused on the appointment of francophone teachers, prosecutors and judges in anglophone areas. The union leadership denounced these appointments as part of the government’s gradual but steady process of “francophonisation” of the state.  In the francophone regions, such as Douala and Yaoundé, which host large communities of anglophones, French is often the only language that can be used to access vital public services. Disaffected anglophones are resentful of the chasm between the official claim that Cameroon is a bilingual state and the reality of anglophones’ de facto second-class citizenship. This is evidenced in the barriers they face due to language.  Anglophone Cameroonians have long complained about the almost total domination of public life by the francophone Cameroonians. The elites in this group are believed to have used their power to marginalise anglophone regions when allocating resources for economic development.  This historical marginalisation led to calls for a separatist movement.
Republic of Ambazonia  The separatists describe themselves as a movement for the “restoration” of the “Republic of Ambazonia”. The name Ambazonia – derived from Ambas Bay, in the Gulf of Guinea – was coined in the mid-1980s by an anglophone dissident lawyer, Fon Gorji Dinka.  A main reason for anglophone calls for separation is their resentment of the authoritarian rule by the country’s mostly francophone leadership. And, when anglophone Cameroonians protested, they were met with force. This happened first under Ahmadou Ahidjo’s administration (1960–1982) and then under Paul Biya (from 1982 onwards).  Since 1990, protests in the anglophone regions have often been met with swift and deadly violence. The same happened in the 2016-2017 protests. Unarmed protesters were shot and killed by soldiers. Those detained also face abuse.  Another important grievance of anglophone separatists is what they claim to be the “coloniality” of their union with the French Cameroon state.  Anglophone nationalists question the UN-imposed plebiscite of 11 February 1961. They argue that by compelling British Cameroonians to choose between Nigeria and French Cameroon as the route to their independence, the UN’s implementation of its own provisions for decolonisation in Article 76 (b) – regarding the attainment of independence for former trust territories – was flawed. The choices offered by the UN to decide between French Cameroun and Nigeria ignored the people’s desire and wishes for self-rule, which contravenes the very fundamental provisions of the UN’s decolonisation framework.  As a consequence, anglophone Cameroonians claim that the francophone majority views and treats the two anglophone regions as a colonial appendage. And that the region, and people who live there, are not an equal part of Cameroon.
Hard road to peace  The road to peace will be a hard one.  To achieve peace while maintaining unity in the country, some autonomists advocate a “return” to the initial 1961 agreement of a two-state federation. These federalists were in the majority among anglophones before the start of the 2016 conflict. However, after almost five years of violent fighting some of the federalists have become more alienated by the abuses of the regime’s forces in the war zones.  Radical separatists – such as Chris Anu of the Ambazonian Interim Government and Ayaba Cho Lucas and Ivo Tapang of the Ambazonia Governing Council – are demanding outright and total independence. They believe it’s the only way for anglophone Cameroonians to free themselves from francophone domination and to avoid future crises.  This split between federalists and separatists complicates possible dialogue and peaceful negotiations.  This isn’t helped by the fact that Biya and his government have spurned discussions with Ambazonian separatists or federalists on changes that would imply a loss of power for the central government.  In addition, the violent suppression of the anglophone protests in 2016–2017 has had two important consequences. It has made the mainstream or establishment anglophone elite fearful of speaking out. And it has further radicalised anglophone youth and rallied support from anglophone Cameroonians in the diaspora.  I believe the only solution to the crisis is autonomy for the two Anglophone regions. The exact form of this autonomy would need a long and carefully negotiated settlement between the different forces at play. And, whatever the settlement, it would have to be subjected to the popular will of the people in these two regions of former Southern Cameroons.  But getting this autonomy won’t be easy given the considerable reluctance from Francophone elites in Yaounde to concede a change to the form of the state. Moreover, the deepening authoritarian posture of the regime in place instils fear of violent crackdowns among dissident voices within the country and political institutions, like the parliament, have little or no capacity to drive measures towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict.  For steps towards autonomy to be taken there would need to be pressure from outside. This includes pressure from the anglophone Cameroonian diaspora, international media, human rights organisations, and major Western powers such as the United States and the European Union.  Language
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 Cameroon
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 Paul Biya
 Cameroon crisis
 Ambazonia

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